Archive for June, 2013

posted by shelly on Jun 27

Question by Jim M: Do attorneys hire independent consultants to review medical records for them?
I suppose this would apply to personal injury attorneys. I would love to here from attorneys as to what their need need is in this area. I’ve always been interested in doing this independently. What is a good first step? Thanks

Best answer:

Answer by jaker
Of course they do. How else would they know whether there is a case or not?

What do you think? Answer below!

posted by shelly on Jun 27

A few nice legal forms images I found:

Squat Sounds *
legal forms

Image by Sterneck
.

SQUAT – SOUNDS

AUTONOMES KULTURZENTRUM HANAU
(Besetztes Haus / Metzgerstrasse-Squat in Hanau / Germany).

Photographs 1987-1994

– Please scroll down for english and german info) –

The Squat – Photos:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627799174125

Squating the Parliament (1988):
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923787960

Concert-Photos 1987-1988:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627799191443

Concert-Photos 1989-1990:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923799072

Concert-Photos 1991-1992:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923811302

Concert-Photos 1993-1994:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923815978

– Concert-Photos 1989-1990:
Archbishop Kebab (Edinburgh, Scotland) – 1989
Citizen Fish (Warminster, England) – 1990
Die Trottel (Budapest, Hungary) – 1988
Do Or Die (Amsterdam, Netherlands) – 1990
Israelvis (Trondhrim, Norway) – 1989
Kina (Valle d’Aosta, Italy) – 1990
Life… But How To Live It? (Oslo, Norway) – 1989
Political Asylum (Edinburgh, Scotland) – 1989
Rikk Agnew (Fullerton, USA) – 1990
Robsie Richter (Hanau, Germany) – 1990
Sharon Tates Children (Stuttgart, Germany) – 1989
Sore Throat (Yorkshire, England) – 1990
Spongetunnel (Chicago, USA) – 1989
Ugly Food (Lübeck, Germany, Odense, Denmark) – 1989
Zygote (Bath, England) – 1990
….. and Friends and …..
………

There were a lot more bands playing in the squat.
If you have photographs or recordings – please get in contact:
contact@sterneck.net
Thanx! *

– * –

THE SQUATED AUTONOMOUS CULTURE CENTER
METZGERSTRASSE / HANAU

In December 1986 some people in Hanau (Germany) decided to squat a house that had been empty for a long time, Metzgerstraße 8. They restored it and filled this free space with a new life.

Soon it became an ’Autonomous Culture-Center’ for the people and by the people, and also a focal point for a solidaric projects and for the resistance against ruling systems in all their repressive forms. The center has had a long history of attempts to establish a self-determined culture-center in Hanau, although it has always been repressed by the local city council.

The basic forum of the center is the ”squatter meeting,” which is open to everyone who has an interest in the squat as a counter-cultural free space. Decisions are made on the consent principle, which means that they try to find a decision that can be supported by everyone. Many activists in the squat, but not all, describe themselves as members of the autonomy movement, which connects anarchist, communist and feminist ideas.

At the moment there are a lot of projects, groups, and events that take place in the center. Everything is done on a do-it-yourself and nonprofit basis; no one receives money for her or his work. Solidarity, trust and self-determination are the basis for all work. Here are some examples:

– The ’Infoladen’ (Infoshop): The Infoshop is an opportunity to get information that can’t be found in the normal bourgeois media. There are a lot of autonomous, left radical and feminist leaflets, brochures and newspapers available. There is also a small media center and an archive that includes material on topics like anti-fascism, atomic politics, women’s liberation, internationalism, etc.

– The ’Volxküche’ (Peoples Kitchen): Frequently people from the community cook a vegetarian meal that is available for a small price. The idea behind this is to overcome isolation between people and the patriarchal roles typical in the kitchen, and, of course, to provide a good tasting meal for many people.

– The Concerts: Concerts in the center are organized, and absolutely dedicated to the principle of working in a self-determined way without a manager, an agency, or even a contract. The bands that play in the squat should have a mutual relation to the ideas of the center. There are no musical limits: Local punk bands have played there as well as jazz bands from North-America and Avantguarde projects from Eastern Europe. Some of the performances have been released on tapes and records.

In a way, the things that happen between the people in the center are more important than the events: changes in behavior, opportunities to live together without hierarchical structures, and new ways of relating. Although the squat is like an island in some ways, it’s far from a concrete utopia. Problems in interpersonal relations exist, as well as differences between ideals and real behaviour.

If people want to go alternative ways, the authorities try to stop them. In Hanau the local city council has said for a long time that none of the things the squatters do and organize represent culture. They decided in parliament that the center was to be closed and torn down without an alternative. In place of the squat, they planned to build five parking places. A decision that is very symbolic and characteristic. Certainly, the real aim was to destroy the ideas and the structures this center stands for.

The answer of the supporters of the Autonomous Culture-Center was the squatting of the parliament of the city. The politicians went out of the building and the squatters voted for the continuation of the center.

Up to now the authorities have not been able to realize their plans for various reasons. On the one hand there are many people who support the squat. There are also legal difficulties around closing it, and they are afraid of the resistance and activities that could take place after closing the squat.

But even if they evict the center, they can’t repress the ideas that the squat stands for. It’s about a self-determined culture and a self-determined life. It’s about dreams and ideals. It’s about consequence and change, here and now.

Wolfgang Sterneck, 2001.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum
Metzgerstrasse 8, D-63450 Hanau, Germany.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße:
www.metzgerstrasse-hanau.org
de-de.facebook.com/people/Metzgerstrasse-Acht-Hanau/10000…
www.myspace.com/metzgerstrasse
www.sterneck.net/squat

Info on the Project of John Cage and Sterneck / KomistA in benefit of the squat:
www.sterneck.net/john-cage/metzgerstrasse-e

– * –

SUBVERSIVE SOUNDS *

Konzerte im Autonomen Kulturzentrum Hanau.

Das besetzte Haus

Im Dezember 1986 kam es in Hanau zur Besetzung eines ehemaligen Nachtclubs in der Metzgerstraße 8. Das Gebäude, das zuvor über Jahre hinweg leer stand, wurde renoviert, neu gestaltet, umbenannt und wird seitdem als Autonomes Kulturzentrum genutzt. Das Ziel der Besetzung war es, einen Freiraum zu schaffen, in dem die Vorstellung einer autonomen Kultur wie auch die Wiederaneignung des entfremdeten Alltags konkret umsetzbar wird.

Vor diesem Hintergrund gelang es, ein Zentrum zu entwickeln, in dem solidarisches Handeln, kollektives Leben und politische Identität auf vielen Ebenen verschmelzen oder sich zumindest annähern. Die Metzgerstraße wurde dadurch zu einem wichtigen Bezugspunkt von dem auf verschiedenen Ebenen vielschichtige politische, soziale und kulturelle Impulse ausgingen.

Im Laufe der Jahre entstanden vielfältige Projekte wie die Volxküche (Essen zum Selbstkostenpreis), der Infoladen (Aktuelle politische Informationen und Archiv) und das Basta-Cafe (Treffpunkt und Sozialberatung). Die politischen Schwerpunkte der im Kulturzentrum aktiven Gruppen liegen unter anderen in den Bereichen ‘Internationale Solidarität’, Antifaschismus und ‘Soziale Veränderung’.

Die Entscheidungen innerhalb des Kulturzentrums werden basisdemokratisch nach dem Konsensprinzip getroffen. Alle Aktivitäten basieren auf einer idealistischen Grundhaltung. Keine Person aus dem Zentrum erhält für ihre Tätigkeiten eine finanzielle Entlohnung.

Selbstbestimmte Kultur ohne Kommerz

Musik hatte von Anfang an in der Metzgerstraße eine besondere Bedeutung. Über das Musikhören hinaus machen viele AktivistInnen selbst Musik, veröffentlichen eigene Aufnahmen oder organisieren Konzerte. Im Sinne des DIY-Prinzipes (‘Do it Yourself’) werden die Auftritte im direkten Kontakt mit den MusikerInnen ohne Konzertagenturen und auch ohne Verträge auf völlig nichtkommerzieller Basis organisiert.

Eine Grundlage bildet ein solidarisches Verhältnis der MusikerInnen zur Metzgerstraße, was sich unter anderem auch in der Gage ausdrückt, die sich in der Regel auf die für die Band entstandenen Unkosten und die Verpflegung beschränkt. Der Eintrittspreis ist so ausgerichtet, dass er für alle interessierten Personen erschwinglich ist und die anfallenden Kosten deckt bzw. im Rahmen von Benefiz-Konzerten bestimmte Projekte unterstützt.

Freiräume statt Parkplätze

Während der ehemalige sozialdemokratische Kulturdezernat Hanaus davon sprach, dass in der Metzgerstraße keine Kultur stattfindet, bildete dass selbstorganisierte Zentrum durch die Auftritte von Bands aus Westeuropa und Nordamerika einen im Hanauer Kulturleben herausragenden internationalen Bezugspunkt. Die musikalische Bandbreite umfasst unter anderem Rockmusik in den verschiedensten Schattierungen, Punk, Hardcore, Folk und Jazz, sowie experimentelle und improvisierte Musik. Lokale Nachwuchsbands traten im Laufe der Jahre genauso auf wie renommierte Gruppen aus unterschiedlichsten Ländern. Einen Kultcharakter erlangten zudem die Nachtcafe-Sessions, an denen jeder und jede teilnehmen konnte.

Die Aufnahmen einiger Konzerte wurden später auf verschiedenen Tonträgern veröffentlicht. 1992 kam es daneben zur Veröffentlichung eines der Metzgerstraße gewidmeten Stücks des Avantgarde-Komponisten John Cage.

In den Anfangsjahren plante der Hanauer Magistrat das Haus nach einer Räumung abreißen zu lassen, um dort stattdessen fünf Parkplätze zu errichten. Die Kulturpolitik des Magistrates entlarvte sich dadurch in einer kaum zu übertreffenden symbolhaften Weise selbst. Das Vorhaben wurde jedoch nicht zuletzt in Folge einer Besetzung des Stadtparlamentes durch Unterstützerinnen des Kulturzentrums nicht weiter verfolgt.

Rund 25 Jahre nach der Besetzung wird das Haus weiterhin als Kulturzentrum genutzt. Im ansonsten auf Konsum und Kommerz ausgerichteten Stadtzentrum Hanaus ist es mit seinen vielfältigen Projekten kreativer wie auch subversiver Freiraum.

Wolfgang Sterneck, September 2011.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße:
www.metzgerstrasse-hanau.org
de-de.facebook.com/people/Metzgerstrasse-Acht-Hanau/10000…
www.myspace.com/metzgerstrasse
www.sterneck.net/squat

Eine ausführliche Beschreibung der Geschichte des Kulturzentrums:
Freiräume entwickeln – Das besetzte autonome Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße Hanau
www.sterneck.net/squat/metzgerstrasse-d

English Info:
The squated Autonomous Culture Center Metzgerstrasse Hanau
www.sterneck.net/squat/metzgerstrasse-e

Infos zum Benefiz-Projekt von John Cage und Sterneck / KomistA für das Kulturzentrum:
www.sterneck.net/john-cage

– * –

Foto: 1988 ? 1989

.

Squat Sounds *
legal forms

Image by Sterneck
.

SQUAT – SOUNDS

AUTONOMES KULTURZENTRUM HANAU
(Besetztes Haus / Metzgerstrasse-Squat in Hanau / Germany).

Photographs 1987-1994

– Please scroll down for english and german info) –

The Squat – Photos:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627799174125

Squating the Parliament (1988):
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923787960

Concert-Photos 1987-1988:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627799191443

Concert-Photos 1989-1990:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923799072

Concert-Photos 1991-1992:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923811302

Concert-Photos 1993-1994:
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157627923815978

– Concert-Photos 1989-1990:
Archbishop Kebab (Edinburgh, Scotland) – 1989
Citizen Fish (Warminster, England) – 1990
Die Trottel (Budapest, Hungary) – 1988
Do Or Die (Amsterdam, Netherlands) – 1990
Israelvis (Trondhrim, Norway) – 1989
Kina (Valle d’Aosta, Italy) – 1990
Life… But How To Live It? (Oslo, Norway) – 1989
Political Asylum (Edinburgh, Scotland) – 1989
Rikk Agnew (Fullerton, USA) – 1990
Robsie Richter (Hanau, Germany) – 1990
Sharon Tates Children (Stuttgart, Germany) – 1989
Sore Throat (Yorkshire, England) – 1990
Spongetunnel (Chicago, USA) – 1989
Ugly Food (Lübeck, Germany, Odense, Denmark) – 1989
Zygote (Bath, England) – 1990
….. and Friends and …..
………

There were a lot more bands playing in the squat.
If you have photographs or recordings – please get in contact:
contact@sterneck.net
Thanx! *

– * –

THE SQUATED AUTONOMOUS CULTURE CENTER
METZGERSTRASSE / HANAU

In December 1986 some people in Hanau (Germany) decided to squat a house that had been empty for a long time, Metzgerstraße 8. They restored it and filled this free space with a new life.

Soon it became an ’Autonomous Culture-Center’ for the people and by the people, and also a focal point for a solidaric projects and for the resistance against ruling systems in all their repressive forms. The center has had a long history of attempts to establish a self-determined culture-center in Hanau, although it has always been repressed by the local city council.

The basic forum of the center is the ”squatter meeting,” which is open to everyone who has an interest in the squat as a counter-cultural free space. Decisions are made on the consent principle, which means that they try to find a decision that can be supported by everyone. Many activists in the squat, but not all, describe themselves as members of the autonomy movement, which connects anarchist, communist and feminist ideas.

At the moment there are a lot of projects, groups, and events that take place in the center. Everything is done on a do-it-yourself and nonprofit basis; no one receives money for her or his work. Solidarity, trust and self-determination are the basis for all work. Here are some examples:

– The ’Infoladen’ (Infoshop): The Infoshop is an opportunity to get information that can’t be found in the normal bourgeois media. There are a lot of autonomous, left radical and feminist leaflets, brochures and newspapers available. There is also a small media center and an archive that includes material on topics like anti-fascism, atomic politics, women’s liberation, internationalism, etc.

– The ’Volxküche’ (Peoples Kitchen): Frequently people from the community cook a vegetarian meal that is available for a small price. The idea behind this is to overcome isolation between people and the patriarchal roles typical in the kitchen, and, of course, to provide a good tasting meal for many people.

– The Concerts: Concerts in the center are organized, and absolutely dedicated to the principle of working in a self-determined way without a manager, an agency, or even a contract. The bands that play in the squat should have a mutual relation to the ideas of the center. There are no musical limits: Local punk bands have played there as well as jazz bands from North-America and Avantguarde projects from Eastern Europe. Some of the performances have been released on tapes and records.

In a way, the things that happen between the people in the center are more important than the events: changes in behavior, opportunities to live together without hierarchical structures, and new ways of relating. Although the squat is like an island in some ways, it’s far from a concrete utopia. Problems in interpersonal relations exist, as well as differences between ideals and real behaviour.

If people want to go alternative ways, the authorities try to stop them. In Hanau the local city council has said for a long time that none of the things the squatters do and organize represent culture. They decided in parliament that the center was to be closed and torn down without an alternative. In place of the squat, they planned to build five parking places. A decision that is very symbolic and characteristic. Certainly, the real aim was to destroy the ideas and the structures this center stands for.

The answer of the supporters of the Autonomous Culture-Center was the squatting of the parliament of the city. The politicians went out of the building and the squatters voted for the continuation of the center.

Up to now the authorities have not been able to realize their plans for various reasons. On the one hand there are many people who support the squat. There are also legal difficulties around closing it, and they are afraid of the resistance and activities that could take place after closing the squat.

But even if they evict the center, they can’t repress the ideas that the squat stands for. It’s about a self-determined culture and a self-determined life. It’s about dreams and ideals. It’s about consequence and change, here and now.

Wolfgang Sterneck, 2001.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum
Metzgerstrasse 8, D-63450 Hanau, Germany.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße:
www.metzgerstrasse-hanau.org
de-de.facebook.com/people/Metzgerstrasse-Acht-Hanau/10000…
www.myspace.com/metzgerstrasse
www.sterneck.net/squat

Info on the Project of John Cage and Sterneck / KomistA in benefit of the squat:
www.sterneck.net/john-cage/metzgerstrasse-e

– * –

SUBVERSIVE SOUNDS *

Konzerte im Autonomen Kulturzentrum Hanau.

Das besetzte Haus

Im Dezember 1986 kam es in Hanau zur Besetzung eines ehemaligen Nachtclubs in der Metzgerstraße 8. Das Gebäude, das zuvor über Jahre hinweg leer stand, wurde renoviert, neu gestaltet, umbenannt und wird seitdem als Autonomes Kulturzentrum genutzt. Das Ziel der Besetzung war es, einen Freiraum zu schaffen, in dem die Vorstellung einer autonomen Kultur wie auch die Wiederaneignung des entfremdeten Alltags konkret umsetzbar wird.

Vor diesem Hintergrund gelang es, ein Zentrum zu entwickeln, in dem solidarisches Handeln, kollektives Leben und politische Identität auf vielen Ebenen verschmelzen oder sich zumindest annähern. Die Metzgerstraße wurde dadurch zu einem wichtigen Bezugspunkt von dem auf verschiedenen Ebenen vielschichtige politische, soziale und kulturelle Impulse ausgingen.

Im Laufe der Jahre entstanden vielfältige Projekte wie die Volxküche (Essen zum Selbstkostenpreis), der Infoladen (Aktuelle politische Informationen und Archiv) und das Basta-Cafe (Treffpunkt und Sozialberatung). Die politischen Schwerpunkte der im Kulturzentrum aktiven Gruppen liegen unter anderen in den Bereichen ‘Internationale Solidarität’, Antifaschismus und ‘Soziale Veränderung’.

Die Entscheidungen innerhalb des Kulturzentrums werden basisdemokratisch nach dem Konsensprinzip getroffen. Alle Aktivitäten basieren auf einer idealistischen Grundhaltung. Keine Person aus dem Zentrum erhält für ihre Tätigkeiten eine finanzielle Entlohnung.

Selbstbestimmte Kultur ohne Kommerz

Musik hatte von Anfang an in der Metzgerstraße eine besondere Bedeutung. Über das Musikhören hinaus machen viele AktivistInnen selbst Musik, veröffentlichen eigene Aufnahmen oder organisieren Konzerte. Im Sinne des DIY-Prinzipes (‘Do it Yourself’) werden die Auftritte im direkten Kontakt mit den MusikerInnen ohne Konzertagenturen und auch ohne Verträge auf völlig nichtkommerzieller Basis organisiert.

Eine Grundlage bildet ein solidarisches Verhältnis der MusikerInnen zur Metzgerstraße, was sich unter anderem auch in der Gage ausdrückt, die sich in der Regel auf die für die Band entstandenen Unkosten und die Verpflegung beschränkt. Der Eintrittspreis ist so ausgerichtet, dass er für alle interessierten Personen erschwinglich ist und die anfallenden Kosten deckt bzw. im Rahmen von Benefiz-Konzerten bestimmte Projekte unterstützt.

Freiräume statt Parkplätze

Während der ehemalige sozialdemokratische Kulturdezernat Hanaus davon sprach, dass in der Metzgerstraße keine Kultur stattfindet, bildete dass selbstorganisierte Zentrum durch die Auftritte von Bands aus Westeuropa und Nordamerika einen im Hanauer Kulturleben herausragenden internationalen Bezugspunkt. Die musikalische Bandbreite umfasst unter anderem Rockmusik in den verschiedensten Schattierungen, Punk, Hardcore, Folk und Jazz, sowie experimentelle und improvisierte Musik. Lokale Nachwuchsbands traten im Laufe der Jahre genauso auf wie renommierte Gruppen aus unterschiedlichsten Ländern. Einen Kultcharakter erlangten zudem die Nachtcafe-Sessions, an denen jeder und jede teilnehmen konnte.

Die Aufnahmen einiger Konzerte wurden später auf verschiedenen Tonträgern veröffentlicht. 1992 kam es daneben zur Veröffentlichung eines der Metzgerstraße gewidmeten Stücks des Avantgarde-Komponisten John Cage.

In den Anfangsjahren plante der Hanauer Magistrat das Haus nach einer Räumung abreißen zu lassen, um dort stattdessen fünf Parkplätze zu errichten. Die Kulturpolitik des Magistrates entlarvte sich dadurch in einer kaum zu übertreffenden symbolhaften Weise selbst. Das Vorhaben wurde jedoch nicht zuletzt in Folge einer Besetzung des Stadtparlamentes durch Unterstützerinnen des Kulturzentrums nicht weiter verfolgt.

Rund 25 Jahre nach der Besetzung wird das Haus weiterhin als Kulturzentrum genutzt. Im ansonsten auf Konsum und Kommerz ausgerichteten Stadtzentrum Hanaus ist es mit seinen vielfältigen Projekten kreativer wie auch subversiver Freiraum.

Wolfgang Sterneck, September 2011.

Autonomes Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße:
www.metzgerstrasse-hanau.org
de-de.facebook.com/people/Metzgerstrasse-Acht-Hanau/10000…
www.myspace.com/metzgerstrasse
www.sterneck.net/squat

Eine ausführliche Beschreibung der Geschichte des Kulturzentrums:
Freiräume entwickeln – Das besetzte autonome Kulturzentrum Metzgerstraße Hanau
www.sterneck.net/squat/metzgerstrasse-d

English Info:
The squated Autonomous Culture Center Metzgerstrasse Hanau
www.sterneck.net/squat/metzgerstrasse-e

Infos zum Benefiz-Projekt von John Cage und Sterneck / KomistA für das Kulturzentrum:
www.sterneck.net/john-cage

– * –

Foto: 1988 ? 1989

.

posted by shelly on Jun 27

Check out these legal forms images:

Shiprock, Navajo Nation, San Juan County, New Mexico
legal forms

Image by james_gordon_losangeles
Shiprock (Navajo: Tsé Bit?a?í, rock with wings) is a monadnock rising nearly 1,583 feet (482.5 m) above the high-desert plain on the Navajo Nation in San Juan County, New Mexico, USA. It has a peak elevation of 7,177 feet (2,187.5 m) above sea level. It lies about 10.75 miles (17.30 km) southwest of the town of Shiprock, which is named for the peak. Governed by the Navajo Nation, the formation is in the Four Corners region and plays a significant role in Navajo religion, mythology and tradition. It is located in the center of the Ancient Pueblo People or Ancestral Puebloan civilization, a prehistoric Native American culture of the Southwest United States often referred to as the Anasazi. Shiprock is a point of interest for rock climbers and photographers and has been featured in several film productions and novels. It is the most prominent landmark in northwestern New Mexico.

Name

The Navajo name for the peak, Tsé Bit?a?í, "rock with wings" or "winged rock", refers to the legend of the great bird that brought the Navajo from the north to their present lands. The name "Shiprock" or Shiprock Peak or Ship Rock derives from the peak’s resemblance to an enormous 19th-century clipper ship. However, Anglos first called the peak "The Needle", a name given to the topmost pinnacle by Captain J. F. McComb in 1860. United States Geological Survey maps indicate that the name "Ship Rock" dates from the 1870s.

Geology

Shiprock is composed of fractured volcanic breccia and black dikes of igneous rock called "minette". It is the erosional remnant of the throat of a volcano, and the volcanic breccia formed in a diatreme. The exposed rock probably was originally formed 2,500–3000 feet (750–1,000 meters) below the Earth’s surface, but it was exposed after millions of years of erosion. Wall-like sheets of minette, known as dikes, radiate away from the central formation. Radiometric age determinations of the minette establish that these volcanic rocks solidified about 27 million years ago. Shiprock is in the northeastern part of the Navajo Volcanic Field—a field that includes intrusions and flows of minette and other unusual igneous rocks that formed about 25 million years ago. Agathla (El Capitan) in Monument Valley, is another prominent volcanic neck in this volcanic field.

Religious and cultural significance

The peak and surrounding land are of great religious and historical significance to the Navajo people. It is mentioned in many Navajo myths and legends. Foremost is the peak’s role as the agent that brought the Navajo to the southwest. According to one legend, after being transported from another place, the Navajos lived on the monolith, coming down only to plant their fields and get water. One day, the peak was struck by lightning, obliterating the trail and leaving only a sheer cliff, and stranding the women and children on top to starve. The presence of people on the peak is forbidden for fear they might stir up the ch???dii (ghosts), or rob their corpses.

In a legend that puts the peak in a larger geographic context, Shiprock is said to be either a medicine pouch or a bow carried by the "Goods of Value Mountain", a large mythic male figure comprising several mountain features throughout the region. The Chuska Mountains comprise the body, Chuska Peak is the head, the Carrizo Mountains are the legs, and Beautiful Mountain is the feet.

One legend has it that Bird Monsters (Tsé Ninájálééh) nested on the peak and fed on human flesh. In one version, after Monster Slayer destroyed Déélééd at Red Mesa, he killed two adult Bird Monsters at Shiprock and changed two young ones into an eagle and an owl. In another version, the Warrior Twins were summoned to rid the Navajo of the Bird Monsters.

The peak is mentioned in stories from the Enemy Side Ceremony and the Navajo Mountain Chant. It is associated with the Bead Chant and the Naayee’ee Ceremony.

Climbing history and legal status
The first recorded ascent was in 1939, by a Sierra Club party including David Brower, Raffi Bedayn, Bestor Robinson and John Dyer. This was the first climb in the United States to use expansion bolts for protection. Pitons were used for direct aid.

Since then at least seven routes have been climbed on the peak, all of them of great technical difficulty. A modification of the original route is recorded as the easiest, and it is rated as Grade IV, YDS 5.9, A1. It was considered a great unsolved problem by the climbing community in the 1920s and 1930s. At that time there was a widespread rumor of a 00 prize for climbing the peak, which inspired dozens of attempts by the experienced and inexperienced alike.

The first ascent route is featured in the book Fifty Classic Climbs of North America; however, the idea of climbing Shiprock is repugnant to many Navajo people. Climbing has been illegal since 1970. In spite of this, rock climbers continue to see Shiprock as an interesting place to climb. According to reports from the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department, which administers recreational activities on Navajo land, there have been false claims that the department allows rock climbing and cooperates with rock climbing organizations. A 2006 press release addressing Monument Valley, another area of monoliths within the Navajo Nation, states:

“Reports of the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department allowing rock climbing are false. Yet several websites have postings on how to evade Navajo Nation regulations and proceed with dangerous and illegal rock climbs in [Monument Valley]. Even more serious than the possible physical harm illegal climbs could pose is the religious damage done to the Navajo people by these non-Navajo visitors.
The Monuments are sacred to the Navajo people and any human interaction (by Navajo or non-Navajo) is strictly off limits. Please abide by the humble religious requests of the Navajo people and do not climb the Monuments. ‘Navajo law will be strictly enforced on this issue,’ Parks Department Manager Ray Russell also added.

Permits are issued by the department to camp and hike in some areas, but not for sacred monuments such as Shiprock.

Shiprock, Navajo Nation, San Juan County, New Mexico
legal forms

Image by james_gordon_losangeles
Shiprock (Navajo: Tsé Bit?a?í, rock with wings) is a monadnock rising nearly 1,583 feet (482.5 m) above the high-desert plain on the Navajo Nation in San Juan County, New Mexico, USA. It has a peak elevation of 7,177 feet (2,187.5 m) above sea level. It lies about 10.75 miles (17.30 km) southwest of the town of Shiprock, which is named for the peak. Governed by the Navajo Nation, the formation is in the Four Corners region and plays a significant role in Navajo religion, mythology and tradition. It is located in the center of the Ancient Pueblo People or Ancestral Puebloan civilization, a prehistoric Native American culture of the Southwest United States often referred to as the Anasazi. Shiprock is a point of interest for rock climbers and photographers and has been featured in several film productions and novels. It is the most prominent landmark in northwestern New Mexico.

Name

The Navajo name for the peak, Tsé Bit?a?í, "rock with wings" or "winged rock", refers to the legend of the great bird that brought the Navajo from the north to their present lands. The name "Shiprock" or Shiprock Peak or Ship Rock derives from the peak’s resemblance to an enormous 19th-century clipper ship. However, Anglos first called the peak "The Needle", a name given to the topmost pinnacle by Captain J. F. McComb in 1860. United States Geological Survey maps indicate that the name "Ship Rock" dates from the 1870s.

Geology

Shiprock is composed of fractured volcanic breccia and black dikes of igneous rock called "minette". It is the erosional remnant of the throat of a volcano, and the volcanic breccia formed in a diatreme. The exposed rock probably was originally formed 2,500–3000 feet (750–1,000 meters) below the Earth’s surface, but it was exposed after millions of years of erosion. Wall-like sheets of minette, known as dikes, radiate away from the central formation. Radiometric age determinations of the minette establish that these volcanic rocks solidified about 27 million years ago. Shiprock is in the northeastern part of the Navajo Volcanic Field—a field that includes intrusions and flows of minette and other unusual igneous rocks that formed about 25 million years ago. Agathla (El Capitan) in Monument Valley, is another prominent volcanic neck in this volcanic field.

Religious and cultural significance

The peak and surrounding land are of great religious and historical significance to the Navajo people. It is mentioned in many Navajo myths and legends. Foremost is the peak’s role as the agent that brought the Navajo to the southwest. According to one legend, after being transported from another place, the Navajos lived on the monolith, coming down only to plant their fields and get water. One day, the peak was struck by lightning, obliterating the trail and leaving only a sheer cliff, and stranding the women and children on top to starve. The presence of people on the peak is forbidden for fear they might stir up the ch???dii (ghosts), or rob their corpses.

In a legend that puts the peak in a larger geographic context, Shiprock is said to be either a medicine pouch or a bow carried by the "Goods of Value Mountain", a large mythic male figure comprising several mountain features throughout the region. The Chuska Mountains comprise the body, Chuska Peak is the head, the Carrizo Mountains are the legs, and Beautiful Mountain is the feet.

One legend has it that Bird Monsters (Tsé Ninájálééh) nested on the peak and fed on human flesh. In one version, after Monster Slayer destroyed Déélééd at Red Mesa, he killed two adult Bird Monsters at Shiprock and changed two young ones into an eagle and an owl. In another version, the Warrior Twins were summoned to rid the Navajo of the Bird Monsters.

The peak is mentioned in stories from the Enemy Side Ceremony and the Navajo Mountain Chant. It is associated with the Bead Chant and the Naayee’ee Ceremony.

Climbing history and legal status
The first recorded ascent was in 1939, by a Sierra Club party including David Brower, Raffi Bedayn, Bestor Robinson and John Dyer. This was the first climb in the United States to use expansion bolts for protection. Pitons were used for direct aid.

Since then at least seven routes have been climbed on the peak, all of them of great technical difficulty. A modification of the original route is recorded as the easiest, and it is rated as Grade IV, YDS 5.9, A1. It was considered a great unsolved problem by the climbing community in the 1920s and 1930s. At that time there was a widespread rumor of a 00 prize for climbing the peak, which inspired dozens of attempts by the experienced and inexperienced alike.

The first ascent route is featured in the book Fifty Classic Climbs of North America; however, the idea of climbing Shiprock is repugnant to many Navajo people. Climbing has been illegal since 1970. In spite of this, rock climbers continue to see Shiprock as an interesting place to climb. According to reports from the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department, which administers recreational activities on Navajo land, there have been false claims that the department allows rock climbing and cooperates with rock climbing organizations. A 2006 press release addressing Monument Valley, another area of monoliths within the Navajo Nation, states:

“Reports of the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department allowing rock climbing are false. Yet several websites have postings on how to evade Navajo Nation regulations and proceed with dangerous and illegal rock climbs in [Monument Valley]. Even more serious than the possible physical harm illegal climbs could pose is the religious damage done to the Navajo people by these non-Navajo visitors.
The Monuments are sacred to the Navajo people and any human interaction (by Navajo or non-Navajo) is strictly off limits. Please abide by the humble religious requests of the Navajo people and do not climb the Monuments. ‘Navajo law will be strictly enforced on this issue,’ Parks Department Manager Ray Russell also added.

Permits are issued by the department to camp and hike in some areas, but not for sacred monuments such as Shiprock.

Shiprock, Navajo Nation, San Juan County, New Mexico
legal forms

Image by james_gordon_losangeles
Shiprock (Navajo: Tsé Bit?a?í, rock with wings) is a monadnock rising nearly 1,583 feet (482.5 m) above the high-desert plain on the Navajo Nation in San Juan County, New Mexico, USA. It has a peak elevation of 7,177 feet (2,187.5 m) above sea level. It lies about 10.75 miles (17.30 km) southwest of the town of Shiprock, which is named for the peak. Governed by the Navajo Nation, the formation is in the Four Corners region and plays a significant role in Navajo religion, mythology and tradition. It is located in the center of the Ancient Pueblo People or Ancestral Puebloan civilization, a prehistoric Native American culture of the Southwest United States often referred to as the Anasazi. Shiprock is a point of interest for rock climbers and photographers and has been featured in several film productions and novels. It is the most prominent landmark in northwestern New Mexico.

Name

The Navajo name for the peak, Tsé Bit?a?í, "rock with wings" or "winged rock", refers to the legend of the great bird that brought the Navajo from the north to their present lands. The name "Shiprock" or Shiprock Peak or Ship Rock derives from the peak’s resemblance to an enormous 19th-century clipper ship. However, Anglos first called the peak "The Needle", a name given to the topmost pinnacle by Captain J. F. McComb in 1860. United States Geological Survey maps indicate that the name "Ship Rock" dates from the 1870s.

Geology

Shiprock is composed of fractured volcanic breccia and black dikes of igneous rock called "minette". It is the erosional remnant of the throat of a volcano, and the volcanic breccia formed in a diatreme. The exposed rock probably was originally formed 2,500–3000 feet (750–1,000 meters) below the Earth’s surface, but it was exposed after millions of years of erosion. Wall-like sheets of minette, known as dikes, radiate away from the central formation. Radiometric age determinations of the minette establish that these volcanic rocks solidified about 27 million years ago. Shiprock is in the northeastern part of the Navajo Volcanic Field—a field that includes intrusions and flows of minette and other unusual igneous rocks that formed about 25 million years ago. Agathla (El Capitan) in Monument Valley, is another prominent volcanic neck in this volcanic field.

Religious and cultural significance

The peak and surrounding land are of great religious and historical significance to the Navajo people. It is mentioned in many Navajo myths and legends. Foremost is the peak’s role as the agent that brought the Navajo to the southwest. According to one legend, after being transported from another place, the Navajos lived on the monolith, coming down only to plant their fields and get water. One day, the peak was struck by lightning, obliterating the trail and leaving only a sheer cliff, and stranding the women and children on top to starve. The presence of people on the peak is forbidden for fear they might stir up the ch???dii (ghosts), or rob their corpses.

In a legend that puts the peak in a larger geographic context, Shiprock is said to be either a medicine pouch or a bow carried by the "Goods of Value Mountain", a large mythic male figure comprising several mountain features throughout the region. The Chuska Mountains comprise the body, Chuska Peak is the head, the Carrizo Mountains are the legs, and Beautiful Mountain is the feet.

One legend has it that Bird Monsters (Tsé Ninájálééh) nested on the peak and fed on human flesh. In one version, after Monster Slayer destroyed Déélééd at Red Mesa, he killed two adult Bird Monsters at Shiprock and changed two young ones into an eagle and an owl. In another version, the Warrior Twins were summoned to rid the Navajo of the Bird Monsters.

The peak is mentioned in stories from the Enemy Side Ceremony and the Navajo Mountain Chant. It is associated with the Bead Chant and the Naayee’ee Ceremony.

Climbing history and legal status
The first recorded ascent was in 1939, by a Sierra Club party including David Brower, Raffi Bedayn, Bestor Robinson and John Dyer. This was the first climb in the United States to use expansion bolts for protection. Pitons were used for direct aid.

Since then at least seven routes have been climbed on the peak, all of them of great technical difficulty. A modification of the original route is recorded as the easiest, and it is rated as Grade IV, YDS 5.9, A1. It was considered a great unsolved problem by the climbing community in the 1920s and 1930s. At that time there was a widespread rumor of a 00 prize for climbing the peak, which inspired dozens of attempts by the experienced and inexperienced alike.

The first ascent route is featured in the book Fifty Classic Climbs of North America; however, the idea of climbing Shiprock is repugnant to many Navajo people. Climbing has been illegal since 1970. In spite of this, rock climbers continue to see Shiprock as an interesting place to climb. According to reports from the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department, which administers recreational activities on Navajo land, there have been false claims that the department allows rock climbing and cooperates with rock climbing organizations. A 2006 press release addressing Monument Valley, another area of monoliths within the Navajo Nation, states:

“Reports of the Navajo Parks and Recreation Department allowing rock climbing are false. Yet several websites have postings on how to evade Navajo Nation regulations and proceed with dangerous and illegal rock climbs in [Monument Valley]. Even more serious than the possible physical harm illegal climbs could pose is the religious damage done to the Navajo people by these non-Navajo visitors.
The Monuments are sacred to the Navajo people and any human interaction (by Navajo or non-Navajo) is strictly off limits. Please abide by the humble religious requests of the Navajo people and do not climb the Monuments. ‘Navajo law will be strictly enforced on this issue,’ Parks Department Manager Ray Russell also added.

Permits are issued by the department to camp and hike in some areas, but not for sacred monuments such as Shiprock.

posted by shelly on Jun 27

Question by Jay: In California, is it legal for some who has a learners permit to drive with an adult who is drunk?
Just curious if it would be legal. I know that the law states that someone with a learners permit must be accompanied by an adult, but what if that adult is drunk?

Best answer:

Answer by True Believer
I am going to guess probably not. The whole point of having an
adult is to provide proper supervision, in theory anyway, and that
is unlikely to be happening if the adult is drunk.

Know better? Leave your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Jun 26

Question by trioleeleeds: What legal forms do I need for models?
What forms do I need for models to consent to the use of their images and whatnot. I’m an aspiring film producer and photographer.

Best answer:

Answer by rickinnocal
A “model release form”. You can find a thousand online if you google it.

Richard

Add your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Jun 26

Question by Gerg: What are the laws and associated consequences pertaining to a underground fight clu?
My buddies and I live in the great state of New Hampshire and with the opening of casinos. We believe it is legal for us to hold a fighting rink (undergroud), in which people will bet on fighters to either win or lose. We were wondering if there are legal consequences to doing activities such as this. Thank You!

Best answer:

Answer by Veridok
Unlicensed gambling, liability for aggravated assault, potential manslaughter

Know better? Leave your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Jun 26

Question by John W: How much does it cost to get a law firm to write an end-user license agreement?
I wrote some software that I might try to sell online. Problem is, I have no idea how to tell left from right when it comes to legal matters. I’m hoping somebody who knows more about law than I do can help answer some of these questions…

1. What is a copyright?

2. Do I need to get a law firm to do a copyright?

3. Do I need a different eula for the beta-testing version of my software?

4. How much is all of this going to cost? I called up a law firm and they quoted me about $ 1350 for just a eula alone. Is this reasonable? Are these guys going to try to rip me off when they find out I don’t know what I’m doing? =)
I forgot to mention…should I attempt to write a copyright or a eula by myself? Or is it a better idea to get a professional attorney to do it for me? Thanks!

Best answer:

Answer by cybersharque
That’s a very reasonable (no, it’s downright cheap) rate for an EULA. Make sure they are really lawyers and rest assured that if they rip you off, you have the means to rip them a new one.

Copyright is the right to control the copying of a “Work.” Your copy right attached to the Work as soon as you created it, but to protect it you should file the Work with the copyright office, a simple task that calls for a fill-in-the-blanks form. I would have the lawyers do the copyright filing as a throw-in, it’s trivial for them (maybe an extra $ 100, well worth it).

The license agreement for the beta testers is different, yes, because the beta tester does not even get the right to dispose of the medium of transmission of the software. The lawyers should do that for a small additional charge, say, $ 450.

If the software has commercial potential, these are all trivial expenses. If the potential is not there, don’t waste your time further.

Know better? Leave your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Jun 26

LEMON LAW - GET BACK

Andy (singer), james(Base) and paul (drummer)

posted by shelly on Jun 25

Learn How to Fill the DA form 705 Army Physical Fitness Test Scorecard

Visit: http://legal-forms.laws.com/military/form-da-705-army-physical-fitness-test-scorecard To download the DA form 705 in printable format and to know abou…
Video Rating: 5 / 5

posted by shelly on Jun 25

Some cool legal law help images:

Human Body
legal law help

Image by RichDelux
Bodies The Exhibition is a controversial exhibition showcasing preserved human bodies dissected to display bodily systems. That’s a real human body in the picture.

You may want to read this from:
mysite.verizon.net/vzexqyla/anti-bodies-virtual-picket-li…

You may be convinced that BODIES…the Exhibition is immoral, unethical and surrounded by murky issues. But some people may be difficult to persuade. Below is a list of incorrect / misleading / worrisome statements that you may hear, followed by explanations of the truth regarding these topics.
________________________________________
Incorrect information: All of the people in the exhibit gave their consent and/or donated their bodies to science.

The truth: None of the people in BODIES…the Exhibition gave their consent to be exhibited or plastinated. None of them donated their bodies to ‘medicine’ or to ‘science’.

Most people do not realize that there are several different plastinated corpse exhibits traveling around the world. While each presents bodies in a similar way, the source of the bodies for each exhibit is not the same.

Gunther von Hagens (BODYWORLDS’ creator) states that all of the people displayed in the BODYWORLDS exhibits gave consent to be plastinated and exhibited. However, top Management members at Premier Exhibitions Inc. (promoter of BODIES…the Exhibition) admit up-front that NONE of the people in BODIES…the Exhibition gave consent to be plastinated or exhibited – this would be an impossibility because the corpses were unidentified and unclaimed and were acquired by the plastination plant from the Chinese police.

For reputable sources regarding this topic, see The Provenance of BODIES’ Corpses and the Possible Connections with the Falun Gong section on The Issues page of this website.

________________________________________

Incorrect information: All of the specimens in the Exhibition were obtained by Premier Exhibitions through the Dalian Medical University plastination laboratories in the People’s Republic of China.

The truth: All of the specimens are controlled or leased by Dalian Hoffen Bio Technique Company Limited.

According to Premier’s 2006 annual report,

"THIS EXHIBITION TOUR AGREEMENT is entered into as of the 24th day of January, 2006 by and between Premier Exhibitions 2005-ATL, Inc. (a corporation organized under the laws of the State of Nevada and having its principal place of business at 3340 Peachtree Rd. NE, Atlanta, Georgia 30326 (“PREMIER”), and Dr. Hong-Jin Sui (“Dr. Sui”), a designer and supplier of all specimens referred to herein, and Dr. Shuyan Wang President of Dalian Hoffen Bio Technique Company Limited collectively referred to as (“DHBTL”) having a place of business in Dalian, China."

To read the full agreement, see: www.secinfo.com/dsvr4.v71s.d.htm

________________________________________

Misleading Information: The identity of each human body displayed in the exhibition is strictly confidential.

The Truth: In fact, the bodies displayed in the exhibition are unidentified.

The term ‘confidential’ implies that someone knows the identities of the bodies. Premier Exhibitions, Inc. has consistently stated up-front that all of the bodies displayed in the exhibition were unidentified and unclaimed. Premier is renting the cadavers and organs from China’s Dalian Medical University, which acquired the unidentified, unclaimed corpses from police.

This fact is particularly troubling because in China, people who practice Falun Gong (a spiritual practice that is banned by the government) often refuse to reveal their names when arrested, in order to protect their families. Therefore, there is a large prison population of unidentified people, who remain ‘unidentified’ after death.

For reputable sources on this topic, see The Kilgour-Matas Reports and The Provenance of Bodies’ Corpses sections on The Issues page of this website.

________________________________________

Incorrect information: It is standard practice throughout the United States for unclaimed and unidentified bodies to be used by medical schools for educational purposes.

The truth: The majority of bodies used by medical schools come from consenting donors.

The use of unidentified bodies in U.S. medical school anatomy labs is not regulated at the Federal level. Therefore, there are few national statistics available with respect to this topic. However, a 2004 article in JAMA (the Journal of the American Medical Association), states that only 20% of US and Canadian medical schools still used unclaimed bodies in their anatomy laboratories.
Some states have laws which require all unidentified / unclaimed corpses to be buried.

For reputable sources regarding this topic, see The Legality of Plastinated-Corpse Exhibits section on The Issues page of this website.

________________________________________

Worrisome Statement: Sworn affidavits, taken in the United States, have been provided declaring the legal and moral acquisition of the specimens within BODIES…The Exhibition. Affidavits have been provided by both Dr. Roy Glover, Chief Medical Advisor for BODIES…The Exhibition; and Dr. Hong Jin Sui, professor of anatomy and President of Dalian Medical University Plastination Co. LTD.

The Truth: There has been no independent investigation regarding the provenance of the corpses in BODIES…the Exhibition. The affidavits that Premier presents as assurances with respect to the corpses’ origins are provided by the following two men:
Roy Glover – Roy Glover is not a medical doctor although, in this context, he is almost always referred to as "Dr. Roy Glover, Chief Medical Advisor." Glover holds a Ph.D. in Anatomy and is currently working as the Spokesman for the BODIES exhibit. He states that "the head of the lab at Dalian [Sui Hong Jin] is a longtime, trusted friend."
Sui Hong Jin – Sui Hong Jin is a former business associate of Gunther von Hagens, the inventor of the plastination process and the creator of the BODYWORLDS exhibits. Sui has faced allegations in the past of providing von Hagens with prisoners’ corpses. He is currently the President of Dalian Medical University Plastination Co. LTD. which is supplying the plastinated corpses to Premier for their exhibits.
For reputable sources on this topic, see The Corpse Supplier and The Provenance of BODIES’ Corpses sections on The Issues page of this website.

_______________________________________

Misleading information: The human bodies are being used appropriately, in accordance with domestic and international law.

The truth: There are virtually no international, U.S. federal or state laws regulating this type of exhibit.

Even where there are relevant laws, it is not clear that they are being followed. In Tampa FL, Premier Exhibitions, Inc. and the Museum of Science and Industry disregarded the rulings of the state Anatomical Board and the state Attorney General that would have prevented the exhibit from opening, and opened the exhibit two days early, before the ruling could be enforced.

If ‘domestic law’ refers to Chinese domestic law, note that the term ‘law’ in China has a very different connotation than it does in the U.S. Also note that BODIES has been touring since 2005. Until July of 2006, selling organs was legal in China. Organ transplantation is an extremely lucrative industry in China. Those who are profiting the most via the organ-trafficking trade are often directly connected to the Chinese government / military. Selling organs was deemed illegal specifically to placate the International Olympic Committee – China will be hosting the Olympics in 2008 – but the new regulations are not enforced.

For reputable sources regarding this topic, see The Legality of Plastinated-Corpse Exhibits and The Kilgour-Matas Reports sections on The Issues page of this website.

________________________________________

Misleading Statement: None of the people displayed in the exhibit were killed specifically to be displayed in the exhibit.

The truth: This is not a ‘fact’ in the scientific sense – it may be true, but there is no proof that it is true. Again, no one really knows where the bodies in the exhibit come from. Staff members at a Falun Gong detention center in the same Chinese province as Dalian Medical University have admitted to ‘supplying’ organs for transplantation. (These organs were removed from live Falun Gong prisoners). It is not completely unbelievable that they might also supply them for exhibit purposes.

For reputable sources on this topic, see The Kilgour-Matas Reports and The Provenance of BODIES’ Corpses sections on The Issues page of this website.

________________________________________

Misleading Statement: "Educational tools that can teach children." – New York Times (source: Carnegie Science Center advertisement) Note: As of the end of November, this quote was removed from the ad.

The truth: This quote suggests that the NY Times endorses the exhibit, however the quote is taken out of context.

The statement above is taken from the 11/18/05 NY Times article, "Cadaver Exhibition Raises Questions Beyond Taste" articles.news.aol.com/news/_a/cadaver-exhibition-raises-q…
Andrew Jacobs, the author of the article, is quite critical of BODIES…the Exhibition, discussing the Chinese government’s history of "recycling the organs of executed prisoners" and Dalian University’s history of supplying questionably-obtained corpses to other exhibits. The quote used in the advertisement comes from the following sentence: "Playing down the sensationalism, Premier executives use the word ‘specimen’ to describe the exhibits and emphasize their value as educational tools that can teach children about human physiology and help adults learn how to lead healthier lives."

Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, son of Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk, and Margaret Audley
legal law help

Image by lisby1
Admiral Thomas Howard, 1st Earl of Suffolk, KG, PC (24 August 1561 – 28 May 1626) was a son of Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk by his second wife Margaret Audley, Duchess of Norfolk, the daughter and heiress of the 1st Baron Audley of Walden.

After the death of his mother on 10 January 1564, the infant Thomas inherited Saffron Walden and other Audley properties. While imprisoned in the Tower before his execution in 1572, his father urged him to marry his stepsister Mary Dacre, the daughter of Thomas Dacre, 4th Baron Dacre and Elizabeth Leybourne, the Duke’s third wife. He did so; but Mary died, childless, on April 1578 at Walden.[1]

In or before 1583, Howard remarried to Katherine Knyvet, widow of Richard son of Robert Rich, 2nd Baron Rich. A noted beauty, she was also the eldest daughter and heiress of her father, Sir Henry Knyvet of Charlton. The couple had fourteen children:[2]

* Theophilus Howard, 2nd Earl of Suffolk (1584–1640)
* Elizabeth Howard (died 17 April 1658), married William Knollys, 1st Earl of Banbury, then Edward Vaux, 4th Baron Vaux of Harrowden
* Sir Robert Howard (1584–1653), married Catherine Nevill, daughter of Henry Nevill, 9th Baron Bergavenny
* Gertrude Howard (born c.1585)[3]
* Sir William Howard (1587–bef. 1672)
* Catherine Howard (c.1588–1673), married William Cecil, 2nd Earl of Salisbury on 1 December 1608
* Thomas Howard, 1st Earl of Berkshire (1589–1669)
* Emily Howard (born 1589)[3]
* Frances Howard (1591–1632), married Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex c. 1605, divorced 1613, married Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset on 26 December 1613
* Sir Charles Howard (d. 1622), married Mary Fitzjohn and had issue
* Henry Howard (1592–1616), married Elizabeth Bassett and had issue
* John Howard (d. 1595)[3]
* Edward Howard, 1st Baron Howard of Escrick (d. 1675)
* Margaret Howard, {c.1599-1608)
In December 1584, he was restored in blood as Lord Thomas Howard.[1] Lord Thomas commanded the Golden Lion in the attack on the Spanish Armada. On 25 July 1588, the Golden Lion was one of the three ships that counter-attacked the Spanish galleasses protecting the Saint Anne. He was knighted the next day aboard Ark Royal by his kinsman, Admiral Lord Howard of Effingham.[4]

In 1591, he was sent with a squadron to the Azores which was to waylay the Spanish treasure fleets from America. However, one fleet reached Spain before his arrival, and the second would not arrive in the islands until September. Forced by the long delay to land his sick and repair his ships, he was barely able to reballast and get to sea off Flores in time when his scouts reported an arriving fleet. To his horror, this proved to be, not the treasure fleet, but a powerful Spanish force dispatched from Ferrol to destroy his squadron. All of Howard’s fleet escaped, by the barest of margins, except Revenge, commanded by the squadron’s vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville. Revenge, some distance from the remainder of the fleet, attempted to break through the Castilian Squadron and was forced to surrender after a long fight, in which Revenge was virtually destroyed and Grenville mortally wounded.[5]

In 1596, Howard served as vice-admiral of the expedition against Cadiz, which defeated a Spanish fleet and captured the town. Favored by Queen Elizabeth, he was installed as a Knight of the Garter in April 1597, and in June sailed with the unsuccessful expedition to the Azores, which he had partly funded.[1]

He was seriously ill in the autumn of 1597, and was created Baron Howard de Walden by writ of summons. While he recovered from his illness, he was unable to attend Parliament until January 1598. On 2 February 1598, he was admitted an honorary member of Gray’s Inn. In 1599, he commanded the fleet in The Downs, and was appointed Constable of the Tower of London on 13 February 1601 after the revolt of the Earl of Essex, and was one of the commission who tried Essex and Southampton. Still active in privateering ventures, he never obtained significant profit from them. At this time, he was also sworn High Steward of Cambridge University, and would hold the post until 1614.[1] (He received an MA from Cambridge in 1605.[6])

A friend of Sir Robert Cecil, he became acting Lord Chamberlain at the close of 1602, and entertained the Queen at the Charterhouse, towards the end of her life in January 1603. Under James I, Howard immediately entered the King’s favor, being appointed Lord Chamberlain on 6 April 1603 and a Privy Counsellor on 7 April. Later that year, on 21 July 1603, he was created Earl of Suffolk. He was also appointed a commissioner for creating Knights of the Bath, and from 1604 to 1618 a commissioner for the Earl Marshalcy. He was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Suffolk in 1605, having several years earlier been made Lord Lieutenant of Cambridgeshire.[1]

Suffolk accepted a gift from the Spanish ambassador negotiating the peace treaty of 1604, but his countess proved a more valuable informant and Catholic sympathizer. Avaricious, she accepted an annual pension of £1000 from the Spanish. While Suffolk was less pro-Spanish and pro-Catholic than his wife, she was felt to dominate her husband in matters of politics, a circumstance which would later bring him to grief.[1]

By 1605, Cecil, now Earl of Salisbury, Suffolk, the Earl of Northampton, and the Earl of Worcester were James’ principal privy counsellors. Suffolk and Salisbury were both privy to the communications made by Lord Monteagle revealing the existence of the Gunpowder Plot, and Suffolk examined the cellar, spotting the brushwood concealing the gunpowder. Later that evening, the Keeper of the Palace, Sir Thomas Knyvet (Suffolk’s brother-in-law) made further search, revealing the gunpowder, and the plot collapsed. Suffolk was one of those commissioned to investigated and try the plotters.[1]

Numbered by James as one of his "trinity of knaves" (with Salisbury and Northampton), he was nonetheless thought loyal and reliable to the King. In December 1608, Salisbury’s eldest son and heir, William married Suffolk’s third daughter, Catharine. Salisbury, who died in 1612, praised Suffolk’s friendship in his will; and upon his death, Suffolk was appointed one of the Lords of the Treasury. Though he disliked Sir Robert Carr, the royal favorite, Suffolk supported his daughter Frances’ desire to divorce her husband, the Earl of Essex to marry him. She did so in December 1613, shortly after his creation as Earl of Somerset.[1]

On 8 July 1614, Suffolk was appointed Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, replacing his kinsman Northampton, and on 11 July 1614 was made Lord High Treasurer. His new son-in-law, Somerset, replaced him as Lord Chamberlain, and Suffolk and his family now dominated the court.[1]

In 1615, however, Suffolk’s fall began. James had become deeply infatuated with Sir George Villiers, and Suffolk’s daughter Frances, now Countess of Somerset, was implicated in the poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury. Suffolk was accused by James of complicity with Somerset in trying to suppress investigation of the crime, but successfully weathered the storm. However, Suffolk then made the mistake of attempting to undermine the rising power of Villiers by grooming another handsome young man to succeed him in James’ favor. Completely unsuccessful, this only provoked a counterattack by Villiers, now (1618) Marquess of Buckingham, upon Suffolk’s conduct as Lord High Treasurer.[1]

Suffolk’s finances were always in a perilous state. His early privateering and naval ventures nearly bankrupted him, despite some financial help from Queen Elizabeth. Under James, the situation was somewhat eased by his preferment at court, which gave him board and lodging and valuable emoluents, and the regrant of some of the sequestered estates of his father. Some of this he invested in land in East Anglia, and he further benefited from a series of customs farms and bequests from relatives. He had been forced to sell his London residence, the Charterhouse, in 1611, but this was replaced in 1614 when he inherited the Earl of Northampton’s house at Charing Cross. Suffolk added to his own troubles by extravagant building programs. Audley End House, built from 1603 to 1616, was the largest private house in England. He also added an expensive new wing to Charing Cross, and his wife built Charlton Park on the Knyvett estates she had inherited. Suffolk’s children were also well provided for. He spent considerable sums to keep up their profile at court, and provided generous marriage portions to improve their matches. While this strategy was successful, it generated crushing debts for him, owing £40,000 in bonds and mortgages by 1618. His appointment as Lord High Treasurer in 1614 provided the opportunity for ameliorate his financial position through graft and deals with customs farmers, although it did not completely relieve his debts. It was also to prove the instrument of his downfall.[1]

Through the agency of Buckingham, James was made aware of Suffolk’s misconduct in the Treasury, particularly allegations that Lady Suffolk harassed creditors of the crown, and extorted bribes from them before they could obtain payment. Suffolk was suspended from the Treasurership in July 1618. Early in 1619, his wife suffered an attack of smallpox which destroyed her famous beauty, and Suffolk himself pleaded ill health in an attempt to avoid trial. These efforts failed: in October 1619, he, his wife, and their crony Sir John Bingley, Remembrancer of the Exchequer were prosecuted on a variety of counts of corruption in the Court of Star Chamber. Sir Francis Bacon, the prosecutor, compared Lady Suffolk to an exchange woman keeping shop while her apprentice, Bingley, cried "Whad’ye lack?" outside.[3] On 13 November 1619, they were found guilty on all counts. A fine of £30,000 was imposed, and they were sentenced to imprisonment at the King’s pleasure.[1]

After ten days, Suffolk and his wife were released, and appealed to Buckingham to intercede for them. Although Suffolk further irritated James by legal maneuvers to avoid seizure of his property, Buckingham was willing to be magnanimous to his rival now that his power had been destroyed. Buckingham obtained for Suffolk an audience with the King, and the fine was subsequently remitted except for £7000. In 1623, Suffolk’s youngest son Edward married Buckingham’s niece, Mary Boteler. While Suffolk never again rose to high office, he was active in the Lords, and served twice as a commissioner of ecclesiastical causes. He died at Charing Cross on 28 May 1626 and was buried on 4 June at Saffron Walden.[1]