Archive for August, 2013

posted by shelly on Aug 29

Question by mightymouse: Can a police officer legally state their opinion on a local business?
I was wondering if it is ethical for an officer to state they would not frequent a business along with other negative comments. I’ve heard some comments that did not offer more than a personal opinion that the business was negative and I’m wondering if they be considered a resource of information about the community or is this against police ethics?
I should have said “based on prior police work involving the business rather than an in-depth personal experience with the business”.
I’m not wanting to sue the police, I would like to utilize their valuable opinion in the public interest.
Thank you, Sean!

Best answer:

Answer by Sean
Listen, all you can do is sue them if you feel the need. Other than that its fine.

Edit 1:
Depending on what type of police work he has done, it’s still perfectly legal.

Add your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Aug 29

Question by Ian Does: Lets be frank here, would dorner have had a solid case against thr LAPD had he filed a lawsuit instead of kill?
It seems in recent light of his crime spree, he managed to get people to investogate claims in hismanifesto , but only after drawing attention through murder.

Would the same resources or manpower have been put into thia claims if he went about seeking attention through the legal way, I.e law suit?

Before anyone thinks im questioning law enforcement, I am pursuing a career in law emforcement myself to be an officer.

Best answer:

Answer by DASHA
no the LAPD is releasing Dorners legal info to show there was no wrong doing HE MURDERED THE DAUGHTER of the lawyer who tried to help him He is a sociopath should never have been a police officer to begin with and he should rot in the pits of hell

Add your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Aug 28

Check out these legal forms images:

Kurdistan Workers’ Party soldiers, commonly known as PKK near the Iran/Iraqi Kurdistan border
legal forms

Image by james_gordon_losangeles
The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, (Kurdish: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê) commonly known as PKK (after 2002 receive the name KADEK, after 2003 Kongra-Gel(KGK), in 2005 original name PKK is restored), is a Kurdish guerrilla movement that has been fighting an armed struggle against the Turkish state for an autonomous Kurdistan and greater cultural and political rights for the Kurds in Turkey. The group was founded on 27 November 1978 in the village of Fis, near Lice and was led by Abdullah Öcalan. In April 2002 at its 8th Party Congress, the PKK changed its name to the Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Congress (KADEK). In December 2003, renaming the group "Kongra-Gel" (KGK).
The PKK’s ideology was originally a fusion of revolutionary socialism and Kurdish nationalism – although since his imprisonment, Öcalan has abandoned orthodox Marxism. The PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the European Union, United States and some other countries.
History of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
February 15, 2003, PKK supporters at the protest in London.
In the early 1970s, the organization’s core group was made up largely of students led by Abdullah Öcalan ("Apo") in Ankara. The group soon moved its focus to the large Kurdish population in south-east Turkey. On November 27, 1978, the group adopted the name Kurdistan Workers Party. Espousing a radical left, Marxist ideology, the group took part in violent conflicts with right-wing entities as a part of the political chaos in Turkey at the time. In 1979, as a propaganda of the deed, the group attempted to assassinate Kurdish tribal leader Mehmet Celal Bucak who they claimed exploited the peasants, and collaborated with Turkey. This marked a period of intense urban warfare between other radical political elements. The 1980 Turkish coup d’état pushed the organization to another stage with the members doing jail time, being subject to capital punishment, or fleeing to Syria. On November 10, 1980, the Turkish Consulate in Strasbourg, France was bombed in a joint operation with the Armenian radical group ASALA, which they claimed as the beginning of a fruitful collaboration.
Starting in 1984, the organization transformed itself into a paramilitary group, using training camps located in France, and launched attacks and bombings against governmental installations, the military, and various institutions of the state – some of which were connected to the Southeastern Anatolia Project. The organization moved to a less centralized form, taking up operations in a variety of European and Middle Eastern countries, especially Germany and France. The PKK has attacked civilian and military targets in various countries, such as Turkey, France, Belgium and Iraq.
Beginning with the mid 1990s, the organization lost the upper hand in its operations as a consequence of a change of tactics by Turkey and Syria’s steady abandonment of its support for the group. In the mid 1990s, it also began a series of suicide bombing attacks. 15 such attacks were performed, 11 of which were carried out by females. In the late 1990s, Turkey increased the pressure and the undeclared war between Turkey and Syria ended open Syrian support. In 1999, Öcalan was captured, prosecuted and sentenced to death, but later commuted to life imprisonment as part of European Union membership. With downgraded security concerns, the Turkish parliament began a controlled process of dismantling the legal control, using the term "normalization" or "rapprochement" depending on the sides of the issue. The bans on broadcasting and publishing in the Kurdish language were partially relaxed – although significant barriers remained. At the same time, the organization was blacklisted in many countries. On April 2, 2004, the Council of the European Union added the organization to its list of terrorist organizations. Later that year, the US Treasury moved to freeze assets of branches of the organization. The organization went through a series of changes, and the unilateral truce that was declared when Ocalan was captured, ended in 2003.
Since Post-invasion Iraq, 2003–present, Turkey alleges that Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Regional Government, and the US-led coalition forces, have not done enough to combat with the organization and dislodge it from its base in the Iraqi mountains. In an interview during April 2010 the leader of the armed wing of the PKK, Murat Karay?lan, admitted to his organization having attacked a group of approaching American soldiers in 2004 in North Iraq and killing at least one of them.
Ideology
The organization originated in the 1970s from the radical left and drew its leaders, members from other existing leftist groups, mainly Dev-Genç, 127 The organization initially presented itself as part of the worldwide communist revolution. The organization’s aims and objectives have evolved over time towards the goal of national autonomy, and what Ocalan dubs Democratic Confederalism.
During 1980s the movement included and cooperated with other ethnic groups, including ethnic Turks, who were following the radical left.[23]:127 The organization initially aimed to establish a fully independent Kurdistan covering land in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran.129
In 1999, following the capture of Ocalan, the organization announced a "peace initiative," and spoke more often about cultural or linguistic rights.[6] However, the group renounced its self-imposed cease-fire in 2004.[6] Besides the activities directed towards Turkey, on 17 July 2005, one of the chief executives Hasan Özen was murdered in Austria. Hasan Özen wanted to leave the organization, and the PKK is widely thought to be responsible. In Diyarbakir, on 6 July 2005, Hikmet Fidan, the former founder of the legal branch the People’s Democratic Party (HADEP), was also murdered. Hikmet Fidan had tried to form an alternative, non-violent Kurdish political party called the Patriotic Democratic Party (PWD) with Osman Ocalan, the brother of Abullah Ocalan. At least 3 other persons involved with the PWD were also killed. The PKK is widely thought to be responsible for these killings also.
The PKK has multiple heads in various West European countries.[25] However, Abdullah Öcalan was unchallenged leader of the organization. After the capture of Öcalan, authorities induced him to publicly plead for a ceasefire. Though serving life imprisonment, Öcalan is still considered the honorary leader and figure-head of the organization.
Murat Karayilan has the control of the organization in practice, although undergone numerous conflicts between Cemil Bayik. Cemil Bayik beside Abdullah Öcalan, Kesire Yildirim Ocalan, and Hakki Karaer was one of the core leaders. Cemil Bayik’s military skills and leadership were criticized by Abdullah Ocalan during his 1999 trial. The organization appointed "Doctor Bahoz," the nom de guerre of Fehman Huseyin, a Syrian Kurd, in charge of the movement’s military operations signifying the long-standing solidarity among Kurds from all parts of Kurdistan.

Kurdistan Workers’ Party soldiers, commonly known as PKK near the Iran/Iraqi Kurdistan border
legal forms

Image by james_gordon_losangeles
The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, (Kurdish: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê) commonly known as PKK (after 2002 receive the name KADEK, after 2003 Kongra-Gel(KGK), in 2005 original name PKK is restored), is a Kurdish guerrilla movement that has been fighting an armed struggle against the Turkish state for an autonomous Kurdistan and greater cultural and political rights for the Kurds in Turkey. The group was founded on 27 November 1978 in the village of Fis, near Lice and was led by Abdullah Öcalan. In April 2002 at its 8th Party Congress, the PKK changed its name to the Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Congress (KADEK). In December 2003, renaming the group "Kongra-Gel" (KGK).
The PKK’s ideology was originally a fusion of revolutionary socialism and Kurdish nationalism – although since his imprisonment, Öcalan has abandoned orthodox Marxism. The PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the European Union, United States and some other countries.
History of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
February 15, 2003, PKK supporters at the protest in London.
In the early 1970s, the organization’s core group was made up largely of students led by Abdullah Öcalan ("Apo") in Ankara. The group soon moved its focus to the large Kurdish population in south-east Turkey. On November 27, 1978, the group adopted the name Kurdistan Workers Party. Espousing a radical left, Marxist ideology, the group took part in violent conflicts with right-wing entities as a part of the political chaos in Turkey at the time. In 1979, as a propaganda of the deed, the group attempted to assassinate Kurdish tribal leader Mehmet Celal Bucak who they claimed exploited the peasants, and collaborated with Turkey. This marked a period of intense urban warfare between other radical political elements. The 1980 Turkish coup d’état pushed the organization to another stage with the members doing jail time, being subject to capital punishment, or fleeing to Syria. On November 10, 1980, the Turkish Consulate in Strasbourg, France was bombed in a joint operation with the Armenian radical group ASALA, which they claimed as the beginning of a fruitful collaboration.
Starting in 1984, the organization transformed itself into a paramilitary group, using training camps located in France, and launched attacks and bombings against governmental installations, the military, and various institutions of the state – some of which were connected to the Southeastern Anatolia Project. The organization moved to a less centralized form, taking up operations in a variety of European and Middle Eastern countries, especially Germany and France. The PKK has attacked civilian and military targets in various countries, such as Turkey, France, Belgium and Iraq.
Beginning with the mid 1990s, the organization lost the upper hand in its operations as a consequence of a change of tactics by Turkey and Syria’s steady abandonment of its support for the group. In the mid 1990s, it also began a series of suicide bombing attacks. 15 such attacks were performed, 11 of which were carried out by females. In the late 1990s, Turkey increased the pressure and the undeclared war between Turkey and Syria ended open Syrian support. In 1999, Öcalan was captured, prosecuted and sentenced to death, but later commuted to life imprisonment as part of European Union membership. With downgraded security concerns, the Turkish parliament began a controlled process of dismantling the legal control, using the term "normalization" or "rapprochement" depending on the sides of the issue. The bans on broadcasting and publishing in the Kurdish language were partially relaxed – although significant barriers remained. At the same time, the organization was blacklisted in many countries. On April 2, 2004, the Council of the European Union added the organization to its list of terrorist organizations. Later that year, the US Treasury moved to freeze assets of branches of the organization. The organization went through a series of changes, and the unilateral truce that was declared when Ocalan was captured, ended in 2003.
Since Post-invasion Iraq, 2003–present, Turkey alleges that Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Regional Government, and the US-led coalition forces, have not done enough to combat with the organization and dislodge it from its base in the Iraqi mountains. In an interview during April 2010 the leader of the armed wing of the PKK, Murat Karay?lan, admitted to his organization having attacked a group of approaching American soldiers in 2004 in North Iraq and killing at least one of them.
Ideology
The organization originated in the 1970s from the radical left and drew its leaders, members from other existing leftist groups, mainly Dev-Genç, 127 The organization initially presented itself as part of the worldwide communist revolution. The organization’s aims and objectives have evolved over time towards the goal of national autonomy, and what Ocalan dubs Democratic Confederalism.
During 1980s the movement included and cooperated with other ethnic groups, including ethnic Turks, who were following the radical left.[23]:127 The organization initially aimed to establish a fully independent Kurdistan covering land in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran.129
In 1999, following the capture of Ocalan, the organization announced a "peace initiative," and spoke more often about cultural or linguistic rights.[6] However, the group renounced its self-imposed cease-fire in 2004.[6] Besides the activities directed towards Turkey, on 17 July 2005, one of the chief executives Hasan Özen was murdered in Austria. Hasan Özen wanted to leave the organization, and the PKK is widely thought to be responsible. In Diyarbakir, on 6 July 2005, Hikmet Fidan, the former founder of the legal branch the People’s Democratic Party (HADEP), was also murdered. Hikmet Fidan had tried to form an alternative, non-violent Kurdish political party called the Patriotic Democratic Party (PWD) with Osman Ocalan, the brother of Abullah Ocalan. At least 3 other persons involved with the PWD were also killed. The PKK is widely thought to be responsible for these killings also.
The PKK has multiple heads in various West European countries.[25] However, Abdullah Öcalan was unchallenged leader of the organization. After the capture of Öcalan, authorities induced him to publicly plead for a ceasefire. Though serving life imprisonment, Öcalan is still considered the honorary leader and figure-head of the organization.
Murat Karayilan has the control of the organization in practice, although undergone numerous conflicts between Cemil Bayik. Cemil Bayik beside Abdullah Öcalan, Kesire Yildirim Ocalan, and Hakki Karaer was one of the core leaders. Cemil Bayik’s military skills and leadership were criticized by Abdullah Ocalan during his 1999 trial. The organization appointed "Doctor Bahoz," the nom de guerre of Fehman Huseyin, a Syrian Kurd, in charge of the movement’s military operations signifying the long-standing solidarity among Kurds from all parts of Kurdistan.

AV Italian Restaurant, A WDC landmark closes it’s doors
legal forms

Image by dbking
Closing the Doors The Family Opened
A.V.’s Regulars Return to Wait For a Last Meal

By Paul Schwartzman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, July 26, 2007

Waiters were rolling out of the kitchen with steaming platters of rigatoni and mushroom-topped pizzas, the phone was jangling with more and more orders, and who was that coming through the timeworn front door?

Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, leading an entourage for a last gastronomic adventure.

For more than a half-century, the justice has been a regular patron at A.V. Ristorante Italiano, Washington’s one-stop answer to Little Italy since the days when Harry S. Truman occupied the White House.

Now, he’ll have to find another joint.

After 58 years, A.V.’s owners — two brothers who took the business over from their parents — are packing up their all-opera jukebox and their five-foot-tall alabaster Leaning Tower of Pisa and shutting down after their final serving Saturday night.

They have sold their property, at Sixth Street and New York Avenue NW, to developer Douglas Jemal, who plans to put up an office building.

"Isn’t it sad?" Scalia asked as he arrived Tuesday for a farewell pizza with red anchovies.

In pinstriped, blow-dried, ever-ceremonial Washington, A.V.’s was unabashedly devoid of artifice, a place where a hardhat could sit next to a congressman, and both could end up sighing and looking at their watches as they waited for the famously surly waiters to bring their dishes.

In recent days, patrons have come for a last look at the marble fountain of Neptune astride three horses in the courtyard; at the suit of armor in the front window; at the golden porcupine fish inexplicably dangling over the cash register.

"It’s a boudoir; it’s without convention; it’s totally unique," gushed Stefan Halper, 63, a veteran of the Nixon, Ford and Reagan administrations, grinning as he took it all in.

Inevitably, any visitor pauses before the blood-red walls and the crazy quilt of framed, autographed photos of patrons past and present: the one of Rep. Dennis Hastert below Sen. Strom Thurmond, who is across from Jack Nicholson, who is next to Dan Quayle, and above Danny Kaye and Wes Unseld and Willard Scott and Dr. Meyer Rosenbaum . . .

Meyer who ?

"A regular," said Augusto Vasaio Jr., A.V.’s co-owner. At the precise moment when Vasaio was born 52 years ago, he was later told, his father was at the restaurant smoking cigars with the good doctor.

His father’s distinctly Italian persona still permeates the low-lit, wood-paneled dining rooms 25 years after his death. Augusto Vasaio opened his restaurant in 1949, buying a vacant church in a neighborhood with more than a trace of Italian families.

At first, Vasaio operated an Italian grocery and sold homemade gelato. Then he started the restaurant, from which he served his signature dish, white pizza, still on the menu, along with a litany of other offerings that roll off the tongue like culinary poetry: the Spaghetti Caruso and the Calamari Alla Genovese and the Porchetta Al Forno.

If a patron asked, Augusto Sr. would recommend a dish as he walked through, hair slicked back, always stylish but never wearing a tie. He could be generous with a hug and a kiss on the cheek, but he could also be gruff, refusing bread to a mother trying to keep her hungry children happy while they waited in line.

"He was straight out of the old country," said Bernie McKay, 55, a software company executive who ate his first meal at A.V.’s 38 years ago. "I can remember him going between the tables, constantly in motion, constantly watching everything. A.V.’s was like family, and he and his wife were like relatives."

The politicians rolled in, along with lobbyists, lawyers and judges. But the suits never overwhelmed the place. There were also cops from a nearby stationhouse, one of whom fired a bullet into the dining room’s ceiling (the hole is still there, covered with tape), an incident that the founder’s son is unable to fully explain.

After Augusto Sr.’s death in 1982, his wife, Sue, took over with her sons, Augie Jr. and John DiBari, who have performed every job in the restaurant, cooking, cleaning, serving, stocking and, of course, counting the money.

Along the way, the family bought up adjoining parcels until it controlled a corner a block east of the Washington Convention Center. In recent years, at least two deals with developers fell through before Jemal "made us an offer we couldn’t refuse," Vasaio said. He declined to specify the price but said his family is getting million to million for the 21,000-square-foot property.

The money is a nice reward for years of hard work, Vasaio said. But relinquishing the restaurant is giving up the reality he has known since childhood. "It’s very hard: You’re doing something your whole life, and then you’re not doing it anymore," he said. "Unfortunately, in this society, money talks, you know?"

He had hoped that the business would live on in some form, encouraging his son, Augusto III, 29, a waiter at A.V.’s, to open a smaller place. But his son does not want to shoulder the enterprise, he said, "and I have to respect his wishes. It’s his life."

Vasaio said he has not had time to contemplate his future, except that he and his wife, Pasqualina, might move to Miami and travel. In the meantime, they’re contending with the crowds showing up for every serving, crowds that included Hastert, who came for a dish of polenta sausage Tuesday night, and Jemal, who bought a bottle of wine to toast the owners.

On another day, the visitors included a Republican politico in suspenders decorated with bumblebees; a running club consisting of former Federal Reserve Board employees; an education consultant bedecked in pink; and a law student who came only to photograph the outside for his girlfriend’s parents, who went to A.V.’s on their first date 35 years ago.

And there was Agnes Soos, a legal secretary, lured back by her colleagues for the first time since 1973. She didn’t like the place then (she claims to have seen a bug crawling up a wall), and it was all coming back to her as she waited for a table.

"It’s a dump," she said, pointing to what appeared to be a film of dust visible on a red metallic sculpture hanging from the ceiling in the entrance hall. Forty-five minutes later, she walked out, fed up with waiting for her food.

Craig Brownstein, 50, who works in public relations, recalled that he once boycotted A.V.’s for five years because of the service. When he broke down and returned, he said, "they still treated me bad. But the veal was great."

"Where are we going to go now?" he asked.

When Scalia arrived, his party was shown to the justice’s usual spot, a rear room, away from the other diners. At meal’s end, he walked to the old metal cash register to pay and say goodbye to the owners.

"We’re going to miss you," Scalia said. Vasaio announced that the justice’s last meal was on the house.

The men embraced, then Scalia walked out the door, and Vasaio returned to the kitchen to cook up more linguini and white pizzas for patrons yearning for a last taste.

posted by shelly on Aug 28

Railroad Law Lawyer Lincoln Nebraska. Do you want to find a Railroad Law lawyer in Lincoln Nebraska and don’t know where to turn? Does the thought of a “Reta…
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posted by shelly on Aug 28

A few nice law firms images I found:

they just realized they are going to fail their finals but are like fuck it, we have firm jobs
law firms

Image by maveric2003

2009-08 Newcastle-upon-Tyne 047
law firms

Image by Edmund Nigel Gall
Law firm on Amen Corner

posted by shelly on Aug 28

Question by skully_666: How 2 evict a roommate of (3) years?
We got sexually involved, with no attachments. Now I have a steady girlfriend. How Can I evict her from my house. There is no written rental agreement. And there is no legal forms for evicting a roommate.

Best answer:

Answer by Steve B
Is this your apartment?
If it is your apartment, you could try to give her 30 day notice.

If that does not work, go to court.

If it is her apartment, you should leave.

Know better? Leave your own answer in the comments!

posted by shelly on Aug 27

Question by legaleye3000: What is good phone hold music for a law firm to have?
I’m looking for hold music for my law firm to put on my iPod, which will connect into our phone system.

Best answer:

Answer by hevans41
I’m on a boat-lonely island
or
Viva la vida-coldplay
or
Take on me-a-hah

Give your answer to this question below!

posted by shelly on Aug 27

Question by Liberals Are Haters: What do you think would happen if a woman had to look her fetus in the face and tell it to die for an abortion?
What would happen if the abortion law was changed so that before a woman could get an abortion, she had to have an ultrasound and see her baby, and she would be required to personally look at the monitor and tell the baby to die, in front of witnesses.

How many women could actually do that?
Alan, how painful do you think it is to be aborted by your own mother?

Who are you to talk about pain?
Mr. Magoo, obviously you have never actually seen an ultrasound of a fetus.

FAIL

Best answer:

Answer by jackson
most already do that in their head when they are very sad.

Give your answer to this question below!

posted by shelly on Aug 27

http://www.legalbistro.com. Are you seeking new clients but are dissatisfied with the return on your law firm marketing dollars for other forms of online adv…
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TONS OF FORMS AND CONTRACTS AT YOUR FINGER TIPS… READY FOR YOUR INSTANT USE! http://guide-of-legal-forms.blogspot.com/ http://businessventures.webs.com/ind…
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posted by shelly on Aug 27

Question by Catalina Poitier: what are the main differences between women of the 19th century and the 21st century?
What events helped to lead to better equality for women’s rights? Primary or Secondary resources to help research this?

Best answer:

Answer by where’s my mojo?
19th century women suffered from doormat syndrome.

Know better? Leave your own answer in the comments!